Post-World War II Period: How Contending Global Forces Shaped Africa’s Perception of the United States?

In the period 1947 to 1988, there was an ideological battle between the United States and the Soviet Union which dominated international politics with the former aiming at the global containment of communism. On the other hand, anticolonial nationalism was taking place in Africa which was under Western European imperial control hence becoming a target for the two contending powers. The liberation struggle that followed led to the demise of colonialism and attainment of independence by African states (Ohaegbulam, 1992).

The United States’ fear of the spread of communism got them involved in a number of domestic politics that escalated the civil wars and inter-state conflicts in places like Zaire between 1960 to 1978, Angola from 1975 to 1988, and the Ogaden war between Ethiopia and Somalia from 1977 to 1978. The bearers of American interests on the continent included rebel leaders such as Jonas Savimbi in Angola while those who were looked at as a threat to those interests among them Nelson Mandela in South Africa got jailed (Ohaegbulam, 1992).

Although Nelson Mandela admired the democracy and freedoms within the United States, Bierling (2014) in his biased assessment of the anti-apartheid icon opines that he was heavily critical of Washington’s readiness to defend colonialism, imperialism and its related exploitation of the continent for profits even after his release from prison. Mandela did not shy away from maintaining strong ties with those long considered American political nemesis such as Fidel Castro and Muammar Gadhafi who had supported his liberation struggle by dismissing the notion that one’s ‘enemies should automatically be our enemies’. Bierling in his criticism largely evades the fact that the policy of the US towards Africa during the Cold War ignored basic democratic principles and socio-economic development as resisting the spread of communism took precedence (Daniel and Nagar, 2016).

In response to the ideological contest between the United States and the Soviet Union, African and Asian states made an effort to design a new world order with the 1955 historic Bandung Conference in Indonesia that led to the formation of the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM). Dlamini (2019) posits that the outcome of the conference went beyond the need to promote economic development and cultural cooperation to include respect for sovereignty, non-aggression and non-interference in internal affairs as well as equality. 

Meanwhile, Ekwealor and Mtshali (2018) assert that US foreign aid was conceived after World War II to enhance diplomatic and strategic goals that advance US short-term political and long-term strategic interests. Foreign aid has been blamed for encouraging underdevelopment in Africa since it benefits the ruling elite by enabling corrupt regimes to cling to power at the expense of the governed and this is worsened by dictating the terms of use. In their report on Africa and external actors, Daniel and Nagar (2016) add that the post-Cold War era saw the securitization of policy towards Africa cutting across the presidencies of Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and Barack Obama but also an increase in aid and trade through the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA).

African states have entered into these bilateral agreements like AGOA and Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) with expectations of an increased inflow of foreign direct investment but a lack of policy coordination by different competing regional entities weakens the bargaining positions of African governments against external actors. There is much to learn from China and Malaysia who require foreign investors to transfer technologies, provide research and development support, establish joint ventures and direct capital inflows based on national development plans (Naidu and Vickers, 2014).

The 2008 global financial crisis that was a product of deregulation of the financial industry in the United States can also be considered a perception changing moment. This did not only send the world into a recession but forced a rethinking in Africa. According to Shoba (2018), there was a swing from North to South with foreign policy focus turning to China and other emerging markets especially for South Africa which got admitted into the BRICS – an acronym for Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Time will tell whether this grouping has the potential to challenge the dominance of global North but some of the issues on the table to be tackled include trade, investments, international security and global governance.

However, China has continued her economic onslaught on the continent having built inroads from the late 1950s through what Hanauer and Morris (2014) term as campaigns that promoted revolution, anti-colonialism and Third World solidarity which included moral and material support for liberation movements. As Africa looks for global respect and favorable foreign relations, the formation of the Forum on China-Africa Co-operation (FOCAC) has become a vehicle for managing Chinese engagements with African states covering technical, economic and political aspects.

All in all, Africa is still trying to find her footing in global conversations that remain largely in favor of the United States although the economic and military rise of China is a challenge to the much talked about liberal order. In this endeavor, the African elite can learn from China’s success so far by building strong domestic institutions and enhancing their bargaining power in bilateral agreements because every state is after its own interests.    

References

 

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